Tuesday, January 28, 2020

Discrimination Against Lesbians in Britain

Discrimination Against Lesbians in Britain Lesbianism and the problems of identification in contemporary Britain In Britain, lesbian women may not have had to campaign to have their sexual activities decriminalised, as homosexual had needed to do; yet their lives were not free of problems. However, men even homosexual men had more social, economic, and political power and status than British women did as a whole have. Men had a greater control of and over their own bodies than either heterosexual or lesbian women had in the immediate post-war period, and indeed before then as well. British lesbian women would have to campaign for greater rights as both women do, and as lesbians to challenge the discrimination and expected gender roles from a patriarchal and heterosexual dominated society. In other words, British lesbians had to counter sexual discrimination as well as orientation discrimination before they were able to feel fully secure in publicising their sexual orientation and identification. Changing public perceptions of their different gender roles and sexual orientation was, as the main lesbian rights groups realised was not going to be easy, as their experiences during the 1970s proved.[8] In Britain the 1960s was a decade that brought about some wide-ranging social changes and promised further changes for the future. Lesbian women could certainly regard the availability of the contraceptive pill and the legalisation of abortion as being an improvement for the choices that all women were able to make in relation to their own bodies. During the 1960s expectations about the gender roles of women began to change, as feminism meant that fewer women were prepared to become wives and mothers without having a career first. Lesbian women also realised they did not have to put up with marriage and children just because it was expected of them to do so. The decriminalisation of male homosexual acts at the end of the 1960s could also be viewed as a demonstration that British society was slowly becoming less illiberal in its attitudes towards people that embraced alternative lifestyles. For the more radical lesbians the social changes in the 1960s were the start of the process of fighting discrimination, rather than the end of the process. British lesbian women and gay men were encouraged to start gay pride movements by the apparent success such groups in the United States were having in altering social attitudes, especially in cities like New York and San Francisco.[9] British lesbian and gay pride organisations began in earnest during the early 1970s with the objectives of enabling their members to have pride in their orientation identification, as well as aiming to reduce the level of social discrimination which their own members had to endure. The hope was that reduced social discrimination and reduced fear of such prejudices would allow all lesbian women to readily admit their sexuality with pride. These lesbian pride organisations as a whole found that changing social attitudes towards them and their sexual orientation was a slow process, after all generations of social prejudices could not be expected to vanish overnight.[10] The effectiveness or otherwise of lesbian and gay pride movements since the 1970s has been an area of much debate. Depending on which criteria are used to judge the gay pride movements the achievements of these organisations will alter.[11] If judging the achievements of the lesbian and gay pride movements solely in terms of their ability to have anti-discrimination legislation passed these movements were undoubtedly a failure before the election of the New Labour government in 1997.[12] The only lesbian women to gain from anti-discrimination legislation between the early 1970s and 1997 did so because they also came under gender equality, race relations and disability legislation. Governments from the early 1970s did not believe that legislation was needed to prevent homophobic discrimination, leaving lesbian and gay pride organisations on their own to lower such prejudice aimed at their members. New Labour has taken more steps than any previous governments to pass legislation to red uce homophobic prejudices and promote the rights of all lesbians and gays. New Labour legislation has included passing legislation to end discrimination upon the grounds of sexual orientation to enhance the opportunities for all lesbians and gays to be openly identified as such without fear of homophobic discrimination. Besides specific legislation to protect lesbian and gay rights, lesbians can also use the Human Rights Act of 1998 to make sure that their orientation being publicly identifiable is not detrimental to their rights or their safety.[13] Under New Labour, lesbian women have finally received legal equality with heterosexual men and women. For instance, lesbian women and gay men are no longer dismissed from Britain’s armed forces if they openly admit their sexuality. Lesbian women and gay men now also have the right to ‘marry’ each other in civil partnerships. The introduction of civil partnerships means that lesbian women in long term partnerships hav e the same rights as married and co-habitant heterosexual couples in terms of property, taxation and inheritance rights, as well as the same benefit and pension entitlements. Lesbian women now have the same rights as heterosexual women when it comes to the custody or adoption of children.[14] In respect of the lesbian pride movements they probably had a more immediate impact on changing social attitudes towards them than they did in influencing governments to pass legislation which tackled discrimination against them. Lesbian and gay pride organisations did not use the same tactics to publicise their sexual orientation. The more radical lesbian and gay pride organisations were happy to shock heterosexuals in British society with the tone and the methods in which they demonstrated their identifications of sexual orientations. More radical groups were even prepared to ‘out’ famous people to make headlines and raise public awareness of lesbian and gay issues.[15] Other more moderate lesbian and gay pride groups were less keen on showing their sexual orientation and identification in such an ostentatious manner. The more moderate lesbian pride groups would have preferred to be open about their sexual orientation and identification without using over the top publi city stunts. Moderate lesbian groups would have fitted in with insider pressure groups, which attempt to achieve their objectives behind closed doors, rather than in public. Radical lesbian and gay pride groups are examples of outsider groups that have little influence with governments and rely on publicity to bring their objectives to public attention.[16] The campaigns of lesbian pride groups were not as successful in changing public perceptions of lesbian women as a majority of those groups would have hoped from the early 1970s. This was especially the case during the period of Conservative governments between 1979 to 1997. The Conservative party more than the Labour and Liberal/Liberal Democrats parties like to represent traditional family values instead of promoting the rights and the lifestyles of lesbian and gay pride groups. When in office the Conservatives prevented lesbian and gay groups’ form educating school pupils about their sexual orientations and identification through the infamous section 28. Lesbian and gay groups lobbied New Labour to have the section removed as soon as possible. The media did not always help lesbian and gay groups convey the messages to the public that they wanted to be sent out, especially right wing newspapers did not want to change public perceptions of lesbian women. The right wing newspap ers often portrayed the objectives of lesbian and gay groups in the most negative perspective possible.[17] Despite the efforts of some politicians, religious groups, and parts of the media the number of people who happen to be publicly prepared to be known as being lesbian and gay in Britain has increased noticeably since the 1970s. It is harder to argue out right that such a situation is entirely due to the attempts of lesbian and gay pride groups to alter the attitudes of British society. After all changed reactions towards their orientation and gender identification could have resulted from the campaigning of such groups, or alternatively could just have been a continuation of increasing indifference to how other people chose to live their lives.[18] Thus in conclusion, lesbian women in Britain have not always felt comfortable or able to openly display their sexual orientation, and their gender identification due to the nature of British society. The immediate post-war society in Britain has remained predominantly patriarchal and heterosexual in terms of social and gender relationships as well as expected behaviours, roles, and identifications. That situation meant lesbianism did exist in Britain, it was just well hidden. The 1960s were a decade that kick started the process of altering British society, and provided the stimulus for lesbian and gay pride groups to emerge during the early 1970s. The legacies, influence, and success of such groups are highly debatable. Although these groups certainly raised the profile of lesbians and gays in Britain they actually had little affect on the mainstream political agenda prior to New Labour gaining office in 1997. Lesbian and gay pride groups may have attempted to increase acceptance of their lifestyles and their alternative identifications, yet changing public perceptions of lesbian women has not been universal or overwhelmingly favourable. The way in socialisation operates in such a haphazard way means that the predominantly heterosexual and patriarchal nature of British society will continue for a considerable amount of time, even if the acceptance of lesbian women should continue to improve, and more fluid gender roles should develop further. Bibliography Abercrombie N, Hill S Turner B S (2000) Penguin Dictionary of Sociology 4th edition, Penguin, London Eatwell R Wright A (2003) Contemporary Political Ideologies 2nd Edition, Continuum, London Hobsbawm, E (1994) Age of Extremes, the Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991, Michael Joseph, London Whitaker’s, (2007) Whitaker’s Almanack – today’s world in a single volume, A C Black, London Young H, (2003) supping with the Devils – Political writing from Thatcher to Blair, Guardian Books, London 1 Footnotes [1] Abercrombie, Hill, Turner, 2000 p. [2] Judt, 2007 p.485 [3] Martin, 2003 p. 233 [4] Abercrombie, Hill, Turner, 2000 p. 314 [5] Abercrombie, Hill, Turner, 2000 p. 314 [6] Abercrombie, Hill, Turner, 2000 p. 314 [7] Sandbrook, 2005 p. 599 [8] Eatwell Wright, 2003 p. 214 [9] Hobsbawm, 1994 p. 428 [10] Abercrombie, Hill, Turner, 2000 p. 314 [11] Judt, 2007 p. 785 [12] Abercrombie, Hill Turner, 2000, p. 314 [13] Young, 2003 p. 216 [14] Whitaker’s, 2007 p. 604 [15] Judt, 2007 p. 785 [16] Abercrombie, Hill, Turner, 2000 p. 336 [17] Abercrombie, Hill, Turner, 2000 p. 314 [18] Judt, 2007 p. 785

Monday, January 20, 2020

Managemente and Leadership Essay -- essays research papers

Management and Leadership Are you a manager or a leader? This is a question that has been asked from consultants to corporations. An organization needs both management and leadership. It is good for a corporation to understand the differences between the both. I think Leaders and Managers have very clear and distinct qualities but highly interconnect together. Skilled set management and leadership are needed to achieve organizational goals. Depending on the size of an organization, management and leadership roles may be carried out by the same person, or by multiple managers who carry out the two roles. I believe that a leader is one who guides people in a certain direction to accomplish a certain goal. Every business needs leadership. Leadership is on of the ways managers affect the behavior of people in the company. In history most of the great accomplishers became leaders for an unpredictable special quality they had that let them rise to the occasion when needed. In an organization today, a leader may not necessarily be the CEO of a company. The CEO will oversee the company as a whole, whereas a manager or supervisor of a department will be the point of contact that an employee will look to for direction. Being a leader is not the same as being a manager. A leader can lead people in a certain direction, whereas a manager can manage people in their jobs. Management has put together people in groups or organizations that will help the company drive to improvements. The bi...

Sunday, January 12, 2020

A Schenkerian Analysis of Preludio from Bach’s Unaccompanied Violin Partita Essay

Very few theorists touch upon the topic of motivic and structural coherence in Bach’s dance suites. The keyboard and lute suites deservedly have more published analyses than the string suites – considering there are simply more of them – leaving the cello and violin suites pristine and practically untouched, and unjustifiably so. The most obscure are the violin suites, particularly the BWV 1006 in E major. With the exception of the well-known published analysis by Schenker of the Preludio, Carl Schachter’s analysis of the Gavotte en Rondeaux, no other analysis can be found of this partita. Building on Schenker and Schachter, I present my own Schenkerian analysis of the Preludio. With the help of David Beach’s book on unity in Bach suites and Joel Lester’s book on Bach’s solo violin works, I address motivic and structural coherence in this partita with some observations that apply to all of Bach’s violin suites. Bach composed six unaccompanied works for the violin in the year 1720, three Sonatas da chiesa and three Partitas. The â€Å"partita†, as understood during Bach’s time, was a set of variations; as one might infer, this definition implies that some or all movements of each partita are variations of each other. The BWV 1006 has seven movements and the only violin partita that begins with a prelude. David Beach addresses the first two of three violin Partitas in his book, observing the importance of the neighbor motion as a motivic pattern in the first and second Partitas. I wish to call attention to the great significance of the neighbor motion that is present in the third Partita as well. The Preludio opens with a lower-neighbor figure E-D#-E, and the figure occurs within every modulation. It’s noteworthy that Urlinie itself, in fact, contains an incomplete neighbor. The Gavotte en Rondeaux is the literal embodiment of the variation concept. Being the only violin partita with a Rondo movement, the notion that a partita is a set of variation is most evident through this partita. Regarding Gavotte en Rondeaux, Carl Schachter suggests that as the episodes increase in complexity, the ritornello seems more and more parenthetical. In a sense the two episodes can be organically linked over the ritornello, and thus the concept of the Rondo is realized even more so beyond its surficial sectionalized design. Continuing with this notion, I suspect that as a whole, the movements of BWV 1006 can be linked together specifically because it is a set of variations, despite its superficial differences. Structural coherence of the partita can be inferred from the Preludio. The piece is typically heard as two sections that are quite similar, while this division seems insignificant, it suggests a subtle element of variety. Being a prelude, it would not be presumptuous to assume either one the two things: the other movements will have similar two-part divisions, or other movements will also have varying sections. To facilitate an in-depth analysis of the Preludio, I have produced foreground and middle ground graphs. However, I made my graphs after consulting Schenker’s own analysis of the Preludio. As one of Schenker’s earlier analyses, it is noteworthy that he reads the Urlinie as an 8-line; this octave-line interpretation creates more problems than a reading from 3. However, the basic, fundamental idea Schenker presented provides a blueprint for a reading, which, in my view, is more accurate. Schenker offered FIG. 1 in conjunction with the 8-line Urlinie, without specifying exactly what the relationship is. I propose that Schenker intuited the significance of the neighbor motion in the Urlinie, and read 8 as a cover tone. From Schenker’s figure above I present my notion of the incomplete upper neighbor [FIG. 2]. The de-emphasis of the returning 3 as a passing tone from 4 to 2 lends importance to the incomplete upper neighbor A, supported by IV. This self-contained tonal area stretches over half of the Preludio. A reprise of an opening passage at the initiation of the A prolongation gestures its independence from its surrounding, indeed a smaller organism enveloped within the larger animal. This is evident through the internal auxiliary cadence to A that accompanies the tonal area IV. In retrospect, the IV is already a long-term goal from the beginning. The first 58 measures properly set the stage for the emergence of IV. The first step on the path to IV is the movement to VI as a short-term goal. This is done by first moving to G# (m. 39) through F# (m. 37), creating a third progression E-F#-G# in the process. The G# is employed first in the top voice as primary tone and then in the bass as pedal point, also the fifth to the incoming C# (m. 51) [FIG 4.  EX. 1]. The C#, in a sense, is a midway stopping point from E major on its way to A major. A# in measure 53 leads to B, creating yet another third progression G#-A#-B. The B is to be read not as V of E but as II of A, unfolding to tonic through two consecutive fifths B-E-A [EX. 2]. As we shall see, the contour of the bass forecasts what is to come; additionally this prelude within the Preludio presents the material for further elaboration and development. Now firmly in A, a memorable passage from measures17-28 is restated in the new key, as though a second beginning. This reiteration casts upon listeners a sense of home, even though the music has strayed to a new tonal area. As I stated before, the 58-measures prelude will matured and grow in its new environment. The bass progression moves in the similar contour as the early 58 measures. The F# (VI) in the bass being a third below A, serves as a short-term goal as a midway stopping point on its way to D# (V65). The long-term relationship between A and D# results in a tri-tone which intensifies the arrival of V [E, 4]. The midway F# is unfolded from G# the same manner as the unfolding of A from B, through two consecutive fifths F#-D#-G# [E, 3]. The internal Urlinie is initiated by C# over A in [E, 2], and falls upon an implied B above the D# as 2, the B is prolonged over the V in a 6-5 motion [E, 5]. The path between V on its way back to I is quite sophisticated. In the treble, a sequential circle of fifths is used to take the fifths (E-B) to the octaves (A-A) [E, 5. 5]. With an 8-7 motion, the A octave becomes a B7 chord. The B acts as pedal point at this point in the bass [E, 6]. As the seventh of B resolves to G#, B leaps a third to D#, which then is registrally shifted to a lower register through arpeggiation. The low D# then compose out a D#7 chord reaching a high A, thus the end of the internal Urlinie is reached. It should be noted that Schenker pointed out a large-scale voice exchange, consisting of B and D# between measure 120 and measure 128 [see foreground graph pg. 8]. The V in the bass arpeggiation is now approached with utmost anticipation as the weight of the entire Preludio shifts upon its imminent arrival; with only a few measures left, one has to onder in what magnificent way the V will be executed to counterbalance the monumental build to the IV? As the internal Urlinie is fulfilled in measure 131, two descending third progressions in parallel sixths [E, 7] bring forth the most dramatic, German style of violin execution: one dotted quarter B7 quadruple stop that brings the Preludio to a single halt, as the V is finally in place. The effective but swift gesture is sustained by A, the seventh, no longer an incomplete upper neighbor but supported by V. As the A moves through G# to F#, a 7-6-5 motion is created over V as Urlinie scale degree 2 is reached [E, 8]. The bass returns home to its original tonic E in measure 137, and the Urlinie is satisfied as well with E in the treble. The last two measures are coda, finishing the piece in a similar manner as it opened, unfolding itself back into the high E through two octaves. Extended bow technique is demanded to perform the Preludio, perhaps more so than the other movements; but that is not to say the big shifts and the frequent adjusting to unconventional positions is any more comfortable for the left hand. The consistent stream of sixteenth notes in a fast ? nvokes immediate association to a keyboard prelude. Furthermore, the multiple voices created through exploiting the full range of the instrument allows for keyboard features such as pedal point, register shifts. Combined with multiple subject entries and modulations, this piece contains mature Baroque characters of a Bach keyboard prelude. Ironically, Bach wrote such a prelude for a most unsuitable instrument, perhaps with the knowledge that only with correct and virtuosic execution can its full intended effect be achieved. As I begin to understand the purpose of each note, I play the piece better. Mindless playing and practicing is unfulfilling and futile, and can only produce the most stiff and lifeless imitations of music, if I may quote Schenker. As for the issue concerning unity in all of Bach’s work, both Lester and Beach discussed first two violin partitas at length but strangely failed to address the last partita, I think the research on this topic remains incomplete without consideration of this partita. It would be interesting, if not absolutely necessary to look into the rest of the partita to see what it has to offer.

Saturday, January 4, 2020

Similarities Between The Monkey King And Gilgamesh

It is quite evident that through stories and literature we learn a lot about different cultures as well as about the great civilizations in different parts of the globe. Gilgamesh and the Monkey King are two different stories from different background settings and they are in one way or the other similar and at the same time they have distinctive features as the narrators try to put across their points to the readers of these stories. This essay will examine some of the things which are common between the Handsome Monkey King and Gilgamesh. In addition to, this essay will try to explain the reasons which are making these two characters untypical heroes. Typically Gilgamesh comes from western civilization and he believes that he has one†¦show more content†¦From the tablet, Gilgamesh is described as â€Å"two-thirds god and one-third human, is the greatest king on earth and the strongest super-human that ever existed; however, he is young and oppresses his people harshly† This is also evident in the description that has been given to the Handsome Monkey King for instance he has been described as a ‘stone monkey’ with extraordinary skills. â€Å"This stone monkey is an extraordinary creature of boundless energy and â€Å"steely eyes† that shoot â€Å"golden light.† These character traits given to the Handsome Monkey King attracts the attention of the divine forces of intelligence, which the author of the story calls â€Å"Thousand-League-Eye and Wind-Knowing-Ears† (Study). From these two comparisons, Gilgamesh and the Handsome Monkey king have been given extraordinary powers, for ex ample, at one hand both are at the same level with other human beings and on the other hand both are at the level of God or at the same level with supernatural beings In addition to this, Gilgamesh and the Handsome Monkey King are on constant journey and as leaders we can describe this journey as the daily human experiences taking place as we try to meet our daily needs. It is quite evident from the two stories that these two characters start their journey by oppressing those who are under them however as time goes, they turnShow MoreRelatedEssay on Popol Vuh vs. Gilgamesh861 Words   |  4 PagesVuh vs. Gilgamesh While the two texts Gilgamesh and Popol Vuh have many similarities, themes characters ect. I personally would not call the two texts similar. In my opinion for two texts to be similar they must poses similar general themes that apply to the entire text, not small themes that only apply to portions of the text. In other words I believe that two texts can have similar events, yet have completely different meanings. Popol Vuh and Gilgamesh actually had more similarities than dissimilaritiesRead MoreThe Creation of Enkidu Essay2336 Words   |  10 Pagesstory, and the Sumerian story of the Creation of Enkidu are examples of these and the similarities are interesting. As Dennis Bratcher states, â€Å"Because of many parallels with the Genesis account, some historians concluded that the Genesis account was simply a rewriting of the Babylonian Story. As a reaction, many who wanted to maintain the uniqueness of the Bible argues either that there were no real parallels between the accounts or that the Genesis narratives were written first and the Babylonian